(1999) offer a theory in which international norms can lead to human rights improvements through their five-stage ‘spiral model’. The five stages include “(1) repression; (2) material and normative pressures met by resistance; (3) tactical concessions, empowerment of domestic opposition, and dialogue; (4) legal reform; (5) internalisation of human rights norms in routine behaviour” (Freeman, 2017). International human rights norms are dependent on the establishment and maintenance of networks between domestic and transnational actors associated with the international regime. With the influence of transnational advocacy networks and social mechanisms to induce progress, it may create a ‘boomerang effect’. Domestic non-governmental organisations (NGOs) rally international actors which leads to domestic NGO empowerment to pressure repressive governments into change. They are also able to put repressive regimes on the international agenda and back domestic opposition groups which further assists the socialisation process in order to force the government into real commitment and compliance to human rights norms. Civil society actors (CSOs) play a significant role as their aim is to defend the human rights of marginalised groups from oppressive regimes. Vis (2017) used the spiral model to analyse three countries, Tunisia, Libya and Egypt during the Arab Spring and examined the extent to which these countries respected international human rights norms before and after the demand for regime change. In all three states, there were signs of change and progression towards compliance, especially in Tunisia as international human rights treaties were respected to a far greater extent post-Arab Spring. Despite Ben Ali’s government ratifying various human rights treaties, from 2000-2010 the regime made numerous tactical concessions as he continued human rights abuses and faced a political backlash. His regime led to many violations to individuals civil and political rights, torture practices and freedom of expression and association. As each of the five stages of the spiral model makes the next stage more likely, the third stage is pivotal as “instrumental adaption (by which states make concessions from practical motives) involves ‘talking the talk’ of human rights, and this may lead to ‘walking the walk’ but institutionalising human rights norms in the fourth and fifth stages “(Freeman, 2017; Risse and Sikkink, 1999). However, this was not necessarily the case for Tunisia and as seen previously in this essay, ratification of treaties does not always force governments to comply with international standards. Western states and international governmental organisations (IGOs) had to express their concerns about Ben Ali’s regime in order to gain international activity. Domestic NGO’s such as National Union of Tunisian Women (UNFT) and the High Committee for Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (NHRI) were able to advocate human