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    The UK since birth.               Taylor, J. & Shrive, J. (2021) ‘I thought it was just a part of life’: Understanding the scale of violence committed against women in the UK since birth. Authors: Jessica Taylor & Jaimi Shrive Published: April 2021 © VictimFocus 2021 This study was funded by profits from VictimFocus Resources. Our sincere thanks to everyone who purchased educational resources from VictimFocus in 2020, which enabled us to invest in this work. This ‘key facts’ document was generated from the main research report entitled ‘I thought it was just a part of life: Analysing the prevalence of violence committed against women in the UK since birth’. Enquiries to Dr Jessica Taylor at [email protected] 3 Taylor, J. & Shrive, J. (2021) ‘I thought it was just a part of life’: Understanding the scale of violence committed against women in the UK since birth. Content Executive summary 4 Recommendations 7 Introduction 12 Summary of methodology 14 About the sample 18 Overall findings from 22,419 women 20 Violence against women before 18 years old: Key facts 21 Violence against women after 18 years old: Key facts 23 Reporting and disclosure of violence against women: Key facts 26 Perpetrators of violence against women: Key facts 27 Impact of violence against women: Key facts 28 Future research 30 Acknowledgements 30 4 Taylor, J. & Shrive, J. (2021) ‘I thought it was just a part of life’: Understanding the scale of violence committed against women in the UK since birth. Executive Summary VictimFocus invested in this study to collect accurate data about violent acts committed against women and girls since birth. Our aims were as much about gathering accurate data from women, as they were about what we could do with such a comprehensive dataset. The first aim was to present a clear picture of how much violence women and girls in the UK are subjected to, broken down into types of violence, how many times they had been subjected to it and who committed those acts of violence against them. The second aim has considerable theoretical and practical implications; to explore whether the dataset supported existing theories of violence against women and girls. Understanding our aims Women and girls are subjected to violence, abuse, and harassment, but there is much argument about how common this is. For some, the argument is made that women and girls are now equal and do not face oppression, discrimination or abuse for simply being female. Statistics about the prevalence of domestic and sexual violence are frequently contested, or critiqued as being exaggerated or falsified. This most often happens when statistics are taken from small sample sizes, or from the answers to questions with ambiguous language which could have led to over or underresponding. We sought to address these methodological issues by creating a study which avoided ambiguous or inaccessible language, was easy to complete and had the largest sample size possible within the timeframe. The second aim relates to several key theories in fields such as psychology, criminology, social work and policing which attempt to explain why women and girls are subjected to violence and abuse. One such theory is ‘vulnerability theory’ – the argument that only certain women and girls with inherent vulnerabilities and risks would be targeted or abused by others (usually men). This approach to understanding violence against women and girls has led to considerable interventions, programmes, education which lean towards victim blaming. Women and girls are assessed and categorised as vulnerable or putting themselves at risk, and professional responses can often include advice to stop doing things, going to places, wearing certain clothing, behaving in certain ways and thinking or feeling certain ways. Instead of addressing the societal issue of violence against women and girls, male violence, patriarchal norms, gender role stereotypes, lack of prosecution of offenders and several other casual factors, many professionals are instead taught to correct or improve the woman or girl. We were therefore interested in whether our data would support the idea that only certain groups of women and girls are subjected to violence and abuse. However, our data did not support this theory, instead demonstrating that women and girls from every walk of life have been subjected to violence and abuse in their lives. 5 Taylor, J. & Shrive, J. (2021) ‘I thought it was just a part of life’: Understanding the scale of violence committed against women in the UK since birth. Repeat victimisation has interested academics and practitioners for decades, with several theories which seek to explain why some women and girls are subjected to violence repeatedly in their lifetimes. We were interested if this was correct, especially as most women can recount several times that they have been sexually harassed, assaulted or abused. This is the reason we asked every woman how many times each offence had been committed against them in childhood, and then again in adulthood. Several revictimisation theories argue that certain women and girls are repeatedly targeted for abuse, rape or harassment because of something specific about them (low self-esteem, poor communication, low confidence, low self-worth, vulnerabilities, risk taking behaviours and so on). We wanted to use a large dataset to consider whether there were certain groups of women who were much more likely to be repeatedly victimised, but this was not supported by our data either. Understanding the true scale of violence against women and girls in the UK We found that 99.7% of our sample had been repeatedly subjected to violence including assaults, harassment and rape. Only 0.3% of women had only been subjected to one violent incident or less. In total, 22,419 women reported that they had collectively been subjected to at least 808,607 acts of violence including 216,965 physical assaults and 363,964 sexual assaults. In their childhoods, women were collectively subjected to 395,558 acts of violence (49%) and in adulthood, women were subjected to 413,050 acts of violence (51%). Overall, this meant that of 22,419 women living in the UK, they were all subjected to at least 37 acts of violence each, in their lives since birth. Our findings in this report suggest that current statistics of the prevalence of violence against women have been underestimated for decades, and instead, it is likely that every woman and girl will be subjected to violence, abuse, rape or harassment. In the vast majority of cases reported here, women were subjected to multiple crimes and the perpetrators were overwhelmingly male. What can we do with this new data? There are several important ways to utilise this data, and we hope that it will be considered by academics, government, authorities, police, social care, psychology, national health and mental health services. We will release a specific report this summer which will explore implications for all levels of authority, policy and politics. In the short term, the most important implication of this report is to change the way we report and talk about violence committed against women and girls as if it is rare, uncommon or only affecting certain groups of women and girls. It is better positioned as a systemic, 6 Taylor, J. & Shrive, J. (2021) ‘I thought it was just a part of life’: Understanding the scale of violence committed against women in the UK since birth. global, enduring phenomenon than a set of crimes that are either rare, or precipitated by women and girls’ behaviours or characters. This data should be used to challenge victim blaming, stereotyping of victims, interventions and programmes which seek to pinpoint particular characteristics within a woman or girl to explain why they were subjected to violence, abuse or harm. It appears from this sample that violence and abuse against women and girls is a universal experience, with only 0.3% of the sample reporting that they had never been subjected to any violence, harassment, abuse or harm. If this is correct, theories which suggest that only certain women are subjected to violence and abuse, and that these forms of violence against women and girls are rare or exaggerated are shown to be inaccurate and misleading. Instead, the true scale of violence and abuse committed against women and girls sits closer to 100% than any of the conservative estimates of 1 in 4, 1 in 5, or 1 in 20, which have been used for several years. 7 Taylor, J. & Shrive, J. (2021) ‘I thought it was just a part of life’: Understanding the scale of violence committed against women in the UK since birth. Recommendations This is a summary of recommendations which may change or increase when the full report is released in summer 2021. Police 1. Explore low reporting rates and low confidence rates of women and girls and seek feedback to support systemic change 2. Explore low charging rates of violent crimes against women and girls 3. Invest in updated training and ongoing education of officers and management to increase understanding of the scale of violence against women and girls, and to dispel myths of rarity or vulnerability of women and girls as the cause or solution to these offences 4. Remove any resources, practice tools or assessments which assume that only certain women and girls will be subjected to violence and abuse 5. Remove any resources, practice tools or interventions which encourage women and girls to change their clothing, behaviours, character, lifestyles or personal qualities to ‘protect themselves’ from violence and abuse 6. Remove reference to old statistics and theories which suggest that violence against women (including rape, sexual abuse, domestic abuse, child sexual abuse and harassment) are uncommon or precipitated by the victim 7. Use the findings of this report to challenge victim blaming and shaming of women and girls subjected to all forms of interpersonal violence Criminal justice system 1. Explore low prosecution rates for violent crimes against women and girls 2. Explore women and girls’ low confidence rates in the criminal justice system and seek feedback to support systemic change 3. Explore how cultures, attitudes and myths about violence against women and girls are impacting the justice process, despite significant evidence to support the enduring prevalence of these crimes 4. Utilise expert witnesses in support of victims, especially those who can dispel myths, misinformation and incorrect narratives about the likelihood of violence against women and girls 5. Ensure that all staff are trained to identify and respond to disclosures, suspicions or reports of violence against women and girls 8 Taylor, J. & Shrive, J. (2021) ‘I thought it was just a part of life’: Understanding the scale of violence committed against women in the UK since birth. Education environments 1. Discuss the scale and prevalence of violence against women and girls in age appropriate, accessible and specific terms throughout school, college and university years 2. Ensure that all girls and women in education know where to seek support, how to seek support and what their rights are when they disclose, report or seek help 3. When teaching or discussing violence against women and girls, be specific and clear about what constitutes harassment, abuse, assault, sexual violence, domestic violence and coercion. This means clarifying and listing specific actions, words, behaviours, tactics and controls. 4. Remove and disuse any educational resources about violence or abuse which have victim blaming narratives or messages; especially those which suggest that violence against women and girls is rare, or is precipitated by something about the girl (behaviour, character, background, appearance, lifestyle). This includes those used at secondary schools, colleges and universities 5. Robustly challenge and provide clear consequences for violence committed against girls in school, college and university environments, including but not limited to, sexual comments, sexual harassment, sexual assault, upskirting, making and sharing of images, sexual abuse, domestic abuse within teen relationships, sexism and misogyny 6. Ensure all staff members and management are suitably trained to identify and respond to violence against girls in their school, college and university environments 7. Utilise local specialist women’s services to support education and care for girls and women in education environments Academic topics and research 1. When teaching modules about violence against women and girls, include the findings of this report to explore methodology and results of asking large samples of women about their experiences of violence and abuse 2. Consider updating violence against women prevalence statistics in teaching materials, reading and lecture notes for all students 3. Challenge and critique traditional and influential theories in psychology, criminology, sociology, policing, nursing, counselling and social care which focus on the ‘vulnerabilities’ of certain groups of women and girls as the cause of victimisation 4. Challenge and critique traditional and influential theories in psychology, criminology, sociology, policing, nursing, counselling and social care which suggest that violence against women and girls is rare, or is precipitated or encouraged by the character, behaviour, appearance or lifestyle of the victim 5. When conducting research into violence against women and girls, consider being specific about the acts of violence and abuse you are researching instead of using broad, inaccessible or professional term that some women and girls may not relate to or understand. (Instead of asking ‘have you ever been raped?’ consider asking 9 Taylor, J. & Shrive, J. (2021) ‘I thought it was just a part of life’: Understanding the scale of violence committed against women in the UK since birth. ‘have you ever been forced, deceived or coerced to have sex that you didn’t consent to?’) 6. When conducting research into violence against women and girls which includes scenarios or vignettes, ensure that they contain examples which do not reinforce stereotypes or myths about violence, abuse, rape or harassment 7. When conducting research into violence against women and girls which seeks to identify characteristics, behaviours, appearances, childhood or lifestyles that ‘lead to’ or ‘predispose’ women and girls to being raped, abused, harassed, assaulted or harmed; consider whether this research contributes to victim blaming narratives and individualisation of global violence against women and girls 8. Ensure that all staff are trained to identify and respond to disclosures, suspicions or reports of violence against women and girls (including research participants and students) Social care 1. Challenge and change current systems which assume that women and girls subjected to violence and abuse are targeted due to vulnerabilities, specific characteristics or risks – and instead work with women and girls as assumed victims of a universal, systemic culture of misogyny and violence against women. 2. Remove any resources, practice tools or assessments which assume that only certain women and girls will be subjected to violence and abuse 3. Remove any resources, practice tools or interventions which encourage women and girls to change their clothing, behaviours, character, lifestyles or personal qualities to ‘protect themselves’ from violence and abuse 4. Remove reference to old statistics and theories which suggest that violence against women (including rape, sexual abuse, domestic abuse, child sexual abuse and harassment) are uncommon or precipitated by the victim 5. Use the findings of this report to challenge victim blaming and shaming of women and girls subjected to all forms of interpersonal violence 6. Challenge and critique any further use of theories or resources which support the concept that only certain women and girls will be repeat victims, revictimised, and/or any resources or tools which refer to a ‘cycle’ or ‘risk taking’ in relation to women and girls who have been subjected to multiple forms of violence 7. Ensure that all staff are trained to identify and respond to disclosures, suspicions or reports of violence against women and girls 10 Taylor, J. & Shrive, J. (2021) ‘I thought it was just a part of life’: Understanding the scale of violence committed against women in the UK since birth. Government 1. Consider violence against women and girls to be a universal issue for the entire female half of the population, and address accordingly 2. Consider updating violence against women and girls prevalence statistics in policy, briefings, reports and legislation to reflect how common these crimes are 3. Commit to exploring robust approaches to protecting women and girls from repeated incidents of violence, abuse, harassment, harm and assaults from birth 4. Increase funding and governmental support for women’s services which specialise in the support of women and girls subjected to violence and abuse 5. Commit to prioritising solutions, interventions and support for women and girls who have been subjected to violence and abuse since birth 6. Ensure that all staff are trained to identify and respond to disclosures, suspicions or reports of violence against women and girls Media 1. Consider violence against women and girls to be a universal issue for the entire female half of the population, and discuss, explore and research accordingly 2. Consider updating violence against women and girls prevalence statistics in briefings, reports and articles to reflect how common these crimes are in UK society 3. Remove and disuse journalistic approaches which seek to explain or blame violence against women and girls on their character, behaviour, appearance, lifestyle or childhood 4. Refrain from reporting or framing violence against women and girls as rare, exaggerated or falsified Health and medical services 1. Ensure that all staff are trained to identify and respond to disclosures, suspicions or reports of violence against women and girls 2. Consider violence against women and girls to be a universal issue for the entire female half of the population, and discuss, explore and practice accordingly 3. Consider updating violence against women and girls prevalence statistics in training materials, reports and guidance for professionals to reflect how common these crimes are in UK society 4. Consider the implications for female patients undergoing any type of procedure (not just those considered to be ‘sensitive’) who might be distressed, traumatised or triggered by the environment, procedure, experiences, feelings or fears whilst in your care 5. Ensure all women and girls can access female only spaces whilst in healthcare facilities if needed 11 Taylor, J. & Shrive, J. (2021) ‘I thought it was just a part of life’: Understanding the scale of violence committed against women in the UK since birth. 6. Ensure all women and girls can request chaperones or specify female professionals if needed 7. Consider that the majority of women and girls have been or will be subjected to violence and abuse, and their trauma responses are a normal, natural, justified response to oppression. This means refraining from medicalising or pathologising those responses as mental illnesses, disorders or syndromes Training of professionals 1. Consider violence against women and girls to be a universal issue for the entire female half of the population, and discuss, explore and teach accordingly 2. Consider updating violence against women and girls prevalence statistics in training materials, reports and guidance for professionals to reflect how common these crimes are in UK society 3. When teaching or discussing violence against women and girls, be specific and clear about what constitutes harassment, abuse, assault, sexual violence, domestic violence and coercion. This means clarifying and listing specific actions, words, behaviours, tactics and controls. 4. Remove and disuse any educational resources about violence or abuse which have victim blaming narratives or messages; especially those which suggest that violence against women and girls is rare, or is precipitated by something about the woman or girl (behaviour, character, background, appearance, lifestyle). 5. Challenge and critique traditional and influential theories in psychology, criminology, sociology, policing, nursing, counselling and social care which focus on the ‘vulnerabilities’ of certain groups of women and girls as the cause of victimisation 6. Challenge and critique traditional and influential theories in psychology, criminology, sociology, policing, nursing, counselling and social care which suggest that violence against women and girls is rare, or is precipitated or encouraged by the character, behaviour, appearance or lifestyle of the victim 7. Ensure that all staff are trained to identify and respond to disclosures, suspicions or reports of violence against women and girls 12 Taylor, J. & Shrive, J. (2021) ‘I thought it was just a part of life’: Understanding the scale of violence committed against women in the UK since birth. Introduction • Statistics on violence against women and girls are often estimated or extrapolated from smaller sample sizes, or general samples about national crime • Currently, the UK uses estimations of prevalence for domestic and sexual violence committed against women and girls • The most accurate data we have in the UK about specific acts of violence against women or girls is the Femicide Census and annual femicide statistics which report the murders of women and girls, the cause of death and in most cases, the perpetrator • One of the largest sources of annual data in the UK is the Crime Survey England and Wales which recently reported that in the last 12 months, 1 in 40 women had been raped, 1 in 5 had been stalked, and 1 in 10 younger people had been sexually assaulted (CSEW, 2020). • A recent YouGov study for UN Women focussed on the experiences of over 1000 women in public spaces and found that 7 in 10 women had been sexually harassed, over half had been catcalled, 4 in 10 had been sexually touched, a third had been followed and 1 in 5 had been the victim of indecent exposure (known as ‘flashing’) (UN Women, 2021). The purpose of this study • This study was designed to collect more accurate and detailed information about violence committed towards women before in childhood and after 18 years old • The methodology is different to other studies, which aims to make the data more accurate and easier to respond to for women who took part There were several purposes to this study, outlined below. 1. To present accurate and detailed data about different kinds of violence committed against women and girls in the UK since they were born 2. To demonstrate the difference in statistics when a more accessible data collection method is utilised to ask women about violent crimes committed against them 3. To explore the relationship between demographics and violence committed against women and girls; specifically common demographics which are employed in victim blaming and discrediting of women who report or disclose violence and abuse. This includes an interrogation of the assumed relationship between being subjected to 13 Taylor, J. & Shrive, J. (2021) ‘I thought it was just a part of life’: Understanding the scale of violence committed against women in the UK since birth. violence and factors such as wealth, education, childhood experiences, confidence, family structures, ethnicity, and age. 4. To explore dominant theories that only certain ‘types’ of women and girls are ‘revictimised’. Current theories and practice wisdom assume that only the most ‘vulnerable’ or ‘risk taking’ women and girls will be subjected to violence and abuse multiple times. 5. To provide comprehensive data about the perpetrators of different kinds of violence committed against women and girls 6. To explore the reporting and disclosure behaviours and experiences of women and girls subjected to violence and abuse 7. To explore the impact violence and abuse has on women and girls in the UK 8. To explore the validity of, and relationship of ACEs and violence committed against women and girls       Purpose: Summarize and appraise an article for bias and validity in a collaborative environment. A Designs and Sampling 1. Identify and discuss the following: a. what is known/not known about the topic and the gap in knowledge the study is intended to fill. b. the research design, purpose of the study, and setting. c. information about the sample: i. method; ii. size; iii. inclusion/exclusion criteria, iv. attrition/loss to follow up/response rate, if any; v. important characteristics of the sample. 2. Appraise and debate the sampling methods and determine the quality of the sampling procedures in reducing bias. Consider the following questions: a. Were inclusion/exclusion criteria adequate to reduce sampling bias? Why or why not? b. Was the sample size adequate? Why or why not? c. Was there a decrease in sample size? If so, did the researchers identify decreases early and attempt to reduce the impact? Was a decrease, if any, adequately explained by the researchers? Why or why not? B Data Collection/Analysis 1. Identify and discuss the following: a. measurement instruments, what they measured, and how/when/where the data was collected b. the intervention and how it was carried out (description of intervention, who/when/where the intervention was applied) 2. Appraise and debate the quality of the data collection methods and determine whether the conclusions of the study were supported by the statistical results. Consider the following questions: a. Was treatment fidelity ensured? Why or why not? b. Were the measurement instruments reliable and valid? Why or why not? c. Were the conclusions of the study supported by the results? Why or why not? • o  Include key statistical results and p-values as part of your rationale. C. Intro and Conclusion 1. Obtain relevant background information from a credible source other than the article and use it to explain why the issue is important to patients, organizations, and nurses. 2. Discuss the nursing implications of the findings of the research. Consider the following questions: a. Did the statistics show significance? b. Is the intervention clinically significant? c. What are the risks vs. benefits of the intervention? d. Is the intervention feasible (cost- and resource-efficient) to implement?    

Sample Solution

the rising interest and concern of women’s fear of crime in the 1980s, it has prompted academics to write literature on the topic. A topic seen throughout the literature is women’s fear of violent crime and the effects on women (Maxfield and Skogan 1981; Mesch 2000; Pain 1997; Stanko 1995). Many academics have tried to understand and explain why women are much more vulnerable and scared of violent crime than men. Warr (1984) wrote that “fear of crime is fear of rape” this suggests that women’s fear of crime stem from the fear of rape. This concept is also highlighted by a number of academics for example, Maxfield (1984) found that by analysing the British Crime Survey in 1982 that women feel less safe due to their fear of sexual assault. All women fear sexual violence but it has been argued that women of a high class are able to deal with the effects and danger more easily (Gordon and Riger 1989; Stanko 1990; Valentine 1989). It has been suggested that the lower classes have a lack of acceptance socially and are socially marginalized which increases their fear of crime. Women’s fear has also been said to have stemmed from images of crime, (Madriz 1997; Mesch 2000) these images portray who is most likely to commit crime and where crime is most likely to happen. This portrayal of images can have effects on where women go and move through the city (Valentine 1989). Valentine goes on to explain the routes that women take are “coping strategies” as they have to take a certain route to reduce the fear of being victimised. This may include taking a longer route purely because the area is more lit up or in a more populated area. Kinsey (1984) talks about the concept of a “virtual curfew” some women may have when going to some urban areas at night. This highlights the fact the fear of crime has taken over the lives of some women and they have to change their daily routine in order to avoid being a victim of crime. However, many academics believe that the outdoors isn’t the only place women fear vulnerable to crime. A lot of crime happens at home as women are at risk of being victimised by an intimate (Mesch 2000; Stanko 1988). Academics have shown women’s fear of crime by mapping areas where it happens (Stanko 1990, Madriz 1997). However Pain (1997) disagrees this is a good approach for violent crime as the British Crime Survey has revealed violence against women is massively underreported to both police and researchers. Domestic violence has become an increasingly worrying issue as in the United States it now constitutes the greatest common cause of nonfatal injury to females. The interest of women’s fear of crime has highlighted the magnitude of scale and how important it is do something about it and has therefore enabled crime prevention schemes directly aimed at women (Stanko 1995). For example there are now many rape crisis and sexual harassment shelters to help support women about confronting this type of violence. Women have united together in supporting women’s fear of crime and have held “take back the night” marches to show women they are not alone. These movements have highlighted the reality of most women’s fear and also enabled the public to understand it too. This literature is only taken from the UK and the USA therefore, could be seen to disregard women’s fear of crime in poore

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