Film questions


https://www.nfb.ca/film/whos_counting/
1) A national economy’s income accounting is done largely through the concept of Gross Domestic Product (GDP). After reflecting on the film, Who’s Counting?, what are some of the limits or problems with evaluating a national economy in this way, in particular as an indicator of wellbeing? What would a more adequate accounting look like?

2) Marilyn Waring points to a gendered division of labour. Waring speaks of the ‘invisibility’ or ‘unproductiveness’ of a person within the economy. What does this mean? Explain what a gendered division of labour is, and how the GDP is a gendered and limited measure of economic activity.

3) Explain Waring’s argument that it is in the interests of the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council to ensure there is always war going on? To what extent do you agree, and why?

4) Waring explains that certain qualities of things cannot be monetized, and that the language used to explain their quality does not easily fit in the mathematical formulae of economic science. Explain what she means. What are some examples? She says economics, as a discipline, is thus used as a tool for the powerful. What does she mean? Do you agree – why or why not?

Sample Answer

 


The view of detainment in Ireland has changed throughout the years from being exclusively a type of discipline to a type of recovery. There is never again a perspective on jail being the best way to dissuade individuals from society from perpetrating wrongdoing. Presently, there is a superior comprehension of the different strategies for both prevention and discipline, and in this way jail sentences are not utilized so for the most part any longer. The undeniably prominent attitude that jail should just be utilized if all else fails was initially observed as unrealistic. In post-freedom Ireland, in spite of the idea of Ireland being a 'cop's heaven', there was a feeling of control in the public eye where detainment was utilized as a methods for controlling the lower classes. Karl Marx clarified in his Marxist speculations of wrongdoing "the impacts of a free enterprise society on how equity is managed, depicting how society is isolated by cash and power" (Tibbets, S., Hemmens, C. 2015). This idea proposes that the high societies of society utilized the law as a methods for keeping up predominance over the lower classes and guaranteeing the security of their riches. Also, Marxist speculations show that the riches gathered by the center and privileged societies can be utilized to increment political and legitimate influence, accordingly moving the perceived leverage in the public eye. The nearness of disparity and treachery among individuals from society where the outcome is a feeling of mistreatment among the lower classes, has regularly prompted an expansion in wrongdoing. The declining level of business, high displacement rates and reduction in genuine salary, with the reliance on farming being the main genuine wellspring of pay all played gathering to the privileged societies utilizing various strategies for coercive imprisonment as a methods for regulation. Mental foundations, private establishments and homes for unmarried moms and youngsters were altogether utilized as an extra type of detainment paving the way to the 1970s. There was an example of control in Ireland for violating strict or social standards, notwithstanding detainment for criminal offenses. The viability of detainment as an assent depends basically on the quantity of re-offenses after one has been recently carried out, and the wrongdoing levels because of forcing detainment as an authorization.

Wrongdoing rates in Ireland fell behind different nations between the 1960s and 2000, alongside a stunned pattern throughout the years. While the elucidation of wrongdoing measurements contrasts nation to nation, it is a test to contemplate in any case. In Ireland, the trouble emerged with an over-dependence on police information. An overview directed by O'Connell and Whelan in 1994; Watson 2000 indicated that there stays an inordinate reliance on the official picture and when it is vague, clarification gets troublesome. This was made progressively testing when the arrangement of gathering and showing wrongdoing information changed in 2000 out of the blue and with no clarification. Alongside the progressions made in gathering and sorting wrongdoing information, there was likewise a substitution in the four classes of 'indictable' wrongdoing with ten classifications of 'feature' wrongdoing. Feature wrongdoings spread progressively genuine violations, in particular property wrongdoing and viciousness. Heartbeat (Police Using Leading Systems Effectively) featured an expansion in a differed number of wrongdoings recorded in the wake of being executed in 2000. This was not really on account of an expansion in wrongdoing, yet was bound to be because of the adjustment in wrongdoing information preparing. It essentially made it simpler to record the wrongdoings that were being dedicated. There are a negligible number of instances of brief discharge and more individuals serving their time in jail contrasted with the past, with an expansion in the term of sentences, and less individuals being offered impermanent discharge or being denied bail (O'Donnell, 2004; O'Donnell, 2005b). In 1996 a 'Zero Tolerance' arrangement was induced, in spite of the way that degrees of recorded wrongdoing were falling. It grasped a choice to rebuff progressively, after 50 percent of people in general had chosen wrongdoing and lawfulness as the noticeable issue in Irish society. Therefore, the quantity of detainees expanded and the wrongdoing rates started to drop. The quantity of detainees somewhere in the range of 1990 and 1996 didn't move essentially and would not outperform 2200. By 1997 it came to more than 2400, proceeding with a consistent increment until 3100 and staying there safely. Now, the populaces in detainment facilities had expanded when the condemned committals were starting to fall.

What recognizes Ireland from different nations with respect to wrongdoing patterns and how wrongdoing is taken care of is the absence of data about wrongdoing and discipline. During the 1980s when wrongdoing rates were at their top, there was an absence of worry among people in general about these significant levels of wrongdoing. Though in the late 1990s when wrongdoing rates were falling once more, the general population were requesting activity from the legislature. This offers the end that the view of wrongdoing among the Irish populace is genuinely conflicting with the real patterns in wrongdoing. 'In the periods 1975-1979, 1980-1984 and 1985-1989 there was little change, with a yearly normal of under thirty killings. There was a slight increment during 1990-1994 and a critical flood in 1995-1999, when the yearly normal loss of life rose to fifty' (Kilcommins, S 2004). McCullagh (1996) analyzed the expansion in wrongdoing patterns among 1960 and the 1990s, recognizing the association between monetary development and expanding quantities of property and office wrongdoing. He suggested that the common laborers considered the to be in network riches as a spark for wrongdoing (McAlister, S Healy, D 2015). An issue with this perception was made by O'Donnell and O'Sullivan (2001) where they brought up this didn't clarify the huge decline in wrongdoing during the 1990s, in spite of the monetary development that happened and generous cultural changes.

From the 1970s onwards, there was an adjustment in demeanor towards coercive constrainment. Jail had become the essential technique for imprisonment, with four percent of the populace in 1970 that were confined without wanting to being found in jail. By 2000, this number was at 40%. Ireland was moving from being a general public of 'coercive restriction' to scaling back the 'carceral society'. Wreath clarifies that there was a rehash of jail in Ireland from being a position after all other options have run out, regardless of how risky, "to a powerful and fundamental methods for discipline and weakening" (Garland, D pg.233). Basically, since capital and whipping were annulled, jail became the assent after all other options have run out. Additionally, regardless of the social and money related expenses of condemning individuals from society to jail, there is as yet a solid understanding that it ought to be utilized. The issues in Northern Ireland included to the developing interest jails with the expansion of outfitted wrongdoing the nation over. The Prison Rules 1947 were reinstituted in 1983 in endeavor to present jail governors, with the goal of permitting more than one detainee for each cell because of the developing jail populaces. In spite of these endeavors, detainment facilities were proceeding to confront congestion and Temporary Release (TR) was actualized, despite the fact that it was at that point allowed under the Criminal Justice Act 1960, it was exceptionally only here and there utilized. Between the 1970s and 1990s, there was an expansion in how frequently it was in all actuality, with under 1500 during the 1980s and 3500 during the 1990s for every year. With wrongdoing rates at their most noteworthy in the mid 1990s, detainment facilities were intensely stuffed and TR was not an adequate arrangement. Handling Crime, a dialog record distributed in 1997 after the difference in government in 1994, started discusses actualizing a most extreme number on what number of detainees were to be held at some random time. It was exhorted that another 840 beds were required until another adjustment in government in 1997 provoked exchanges of an alternate arrangement, the 'Zero Tolerance' approach. John O'Donoghue TD, Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform somewhere in the range of 1997 and 2002, "announced the requirement for 2000 extra places" (Crime, Punishment and the Search for Order in Ireland pg.237). In mid 1998 the National Crime Forum required "an essential difference in center to make jail the choice after all other options have run out, to be utilized sparingly and just when every single other alternative have been attempted or considered and precluded for apt reasons" (Crime, Punishment and the Search for Order in Ireland pg.239). In 2002, A Garda Siochana directed a review which presumed that people in general didn't see jail as a compelling technique for discipline. With the 10,000 or more individuals met, 81 percent upheld the announcement "jail doesn't counteract re-irritating" (Garda Attitude Unit 2002, Garda Public Attitude Survey 2002. Templemore: A Garda Siochana, p.32). There was a solid assessment among the general population at the time that fines, network administration and probation were the more perfect alternative. Holding jail for genuine wrongdoings turned into a prominent attitude.

Because of the insufficiency of wrongdoing information in Ireland, building up the adequacy of utilizing jail condemning as a type of decreasing wrongdoing is profoundly testing. With there being an absence of straightforwardness between the quantity of sentences forced by the court and the quantity of individuals who really went to jail as opposed to being bailed or bid effectively, distinguishing a genuine decision about jail authorizes and cases is an undertaking in itself. The Irish demeanor toward wrongdoing and discipline has been one where the premier want it to secure society. In any case, with a moderately essential standard of data about wrongdoing there is a degree of reliance on government nature to settle on choices about actualizing new strategies. During the 1980s, Community Service Orders were starting to come into utilization, with the first happening in 1985. Notwithstanding this execution, jail sentences were as yet the prominent approval. In 1990, 130 detainees were gotten into guardianship