Differently from the clear greed projection in the study case mentioned before, Indonesia experienced a drastic turndown of their main commodities’ regions and the life quality of their inhabitants. From 1968 with the rise of Suharto into the power to the late 1990s, the new era called New Order boosted Indonesia’s macroeconomics, all these based on natural resources like oil, gas, mining and timber (Indonesia-Investment, 2013). “During this period, oil was the country’s main export commodity and a major source of government revenue. In the 1980s, the role of oil as a source of revenue declined while that of other natural resource commodities, such as liquid natural gas (LNG), timber and minerals, increased. By the mid-1990s, Indonesia had become the world’s largest exporter of LNG and plywood, the second largest producer of tin (after China), the third largest exporter of thermal coal (after Australia and South Africa), and the third largest exporter of copper (after the US and Chile)” (Tadjoeddin, 2007, page 12). Regional dynamics, along with East Timor’s independence and the radical increase of private investments in primary resources in the country, left locals without any opportunity to obtain wealth.
Corruption materialised in preferential treatment in exchange of political support became a key grievance of Indonesian society that was always faced to tolerate government’s actions thanks to their impressive industrial results. Unequal resource distribution drove the four main Indonesian regions (Aceh, Papua, Riau and East Kalimantan) to rise and start seeking justice by their own hand. “In other resource-rich regions, indigenous people have experienced relative deprivation in relation to the richness of their land (Tadjoeddin et al. 2001) and the living standards of the increasing number of migrant groups (Brown, 2005)” (Tadjoeddin, 2007, page 16). The sentiment of ‘aspiration to inequality’ (Tadjoeddin, Widjajanti, Satish, 2001, pages 283-304) functioned as the main driver of people’s grievances in the resource-rich regions. Even though the internal dynamics between government, private companies and communities (even community versus community violent acts driven by religious differences and also by violent insurgent groups l