developing nations (Richard 2006). A call for donations to Katrina efforts raised $3.3 billion in private donations; $2.1 billion went to the American Red Cross, $10 million to Mercy Corps and $11 million to World Vision (Kerkman 2006). The bigger INGOs introduced unfair competition for scarce recovery resources over smaller, local non-profits working in the affected areas. Many of the smaller NGOs closed shop as a result (Eikenberry, Arroyave and Cooper 2007: 166). Even though significant literature on Hurricane Katrina has ignored their participation and contribution, over twelve international nongovernmental organisations (INGOs) provided humanitarian assistance for the first time ever in the United States in the aftermath of the catastrophe. They included organisations such as Oxfam, Save the Children, Amnesty International, American Refugee Committee, International Rescue Committee, UNICEF, International Relief and Development among others. They concentrated on meeting immediate and basic needs such as water and health treatment to displaced persons. Their response was largely as a reaction to the perceived failure by the state and federal administrators to coordinate international and local nongovernmental relief efforts (Pipa 2006; Strom 2006; Wilheim 2005). INGOs focused their efforts on small groups of the population. They relinquished responsibility of defining and responding to the needs of the vulnerable displaced people to the wealthy businesses and individuals controlling the resources in the rescue efforts. The Red Cross which received the bulk of donations floundered in the recovery efforts. Employees and volunteers were found to have engaged in fraud, diversion of relief assistance, and accusations that their aid was politically motivated severed trust between the organisation and local communities.

Disaster capitalism is silent on issues of race and racism. The framing of disaster capitalism in the case of Hurricane Katrina pays no heed to the systemic racism entrenched in the affected areas. The literature focuses on the recent past and fails to address the long-term impacts of plantation slavery that have permeated the U.S societal fabric over centuries of discrimination (Beckles 2013; Mintz 1977, 1984; Trouillot 2003; Williams 1961). In 1916, New Orleans passed laws to bolster the creation of black and white territories (Pinder 2009). Residential segregation in New Orleans was a marker of the bigger racial segregation. Black neighbourhoods were characterised by overcrowding, disease outbreaks, poverty and crime (Pinder 2009: 245). The 2000 US Census Bureau reported that 28% of New Orleans was extremely poor and 84% of that statistic was African-Americans (Woldoff & Gerber 2007: 176). Majority of black people in New Orleans could not afford public transportation. 100,000 African-Americans did not own cars thus were unable to escape to safety when Hurricane Katrina hit (Strolovitch et al 2006; Woldoff & Gerber 2007: 178) The absence of this discussion thus creates a gap in understanding the way communities and actors responded to relief efforts. Michael