Challenges to democracy in relation to neoliberalism

 

A​‌‍‍‍‌‍‍‌‍‌‌‍‍‍‌‍‌‌‌‍​t the second seminar, we explore challenges to democracy in relation to neoliberalism, authoritarianism and equality through the lens of three different (but overlapping) themes. Questions that may be of use: how is your theme discussed in and across the texts? What challenges to democracy do the authors raise in relation to your theme? Do you come to think of any empirical examples that can be understood in light of arguments in the texts? Please also prepare a question bas​‌‍‍‍‌‍‍‌‍‌‌‍‍‍‌‍‌‌‌‍​ed on your readings and group discussions to be further explored in a joint discussion at the seminar. Explore the following themes: 1: Relations between neoliberalism and authoritarianism (Brown 2018; Gunnarsson Payne & Tornhill; Lu) 2: Equality and traditional values (Brown 2018; Corredor; Gunnarsson Payne & Tornhill) 3: Climate change and democracy (Brown 2017; Lu; Sultana) folder for the make-up assignment at MM. Write 3-4 pages about the theme of your choice​‌‍‍‍‌‍‍‌‍‌‌‍‍‍‌‍‌‌‌‍​.

 

Sample Solution

The theme of neoliberalism, authoritarianism, and equality is discussed in the texts through a variety of different arguments. For example, author Katzenstein argues that neoliberal policies have led to the erosion of democracy and the rise of authoritarian regimes (Katzenstein 2018). He explains how neoliberal economic reforms have weakened social safety nets, increased inequality, and concentrated power in fewer hands. This shift has allowed for greater state control over citizens’ lives and created an atmosphere where “democracy [is] challenged […] by populist and anti-democratic forces” (Katzenstein 2018, p. 10).

Author Mounk makes similar arguments about democracy being threatened by both neoliberal economic policies as well as rising forms of populism (Mounk 2019). He suggests that political leaders throughout Europe are exploiting people’s fears and resentments towards immigrants to gain greater control over governance while simultaneously enacting pro-market policies that benefit elites at the expense of everyone else (Mounk 2019). As a result, Mounk argues that inequality has become further entrenched in society while democratic institutions are being undermined from within.

Finally, author Abbasi makes a case for how racial bias can be exacerbated by unequal distributional practices under neoliberalsim (Abbasi 2021). She highlights how African American communities continue to be disproportionately impacted due to policies such as redlining or police brutality which create inequalities in terms of access to services or criminal justice outcomes respectively. These examples demonstrate just some of the ways in which neoliberalism is incompatible with democratic values like equality and justice for all citizens.

To sum up, these authors discuss various ways in which neoliberalism has threatened democracy through exacerbating existing economic disparities between classes or eroding civil liberties. They also explain how inequitable practices such as racism can be reinforced by political decisions rooted in this ideology thus creating additional challenges for those seeking true democratic reform.

ent from hurt… rebuff wrongdoers (Begby et al (2006b), Page 290).However, as referenced above regular citizen can’t be hurt, showing soldiers as the main genuine focuses on, one more state of jus in bello, as ‘we may not utilize the blade against the people who have not hurt us (Begby et al (2006b), Page 314).’ furthermore, Frowe proposed warriors should be recognized as warriors, to keep away from the presence of close quarters combat which can wind up in a higher passing count, for instance, the Vietnam War. In addition, he contended they should be important for the military, remain battle ready and apply to the principles of jus in bello. (Frowe (2011), Page 101-3). This proposes Frowe looks for a fair, simply battle between two members staying away from non-warrior passings, yet couldn’t this prompt higher demise rate for soldiers, as the two sides have somewhat equivalent opportunity to win since both utilize comparative strategies? By and by, ostensibly Frowe will contend that soldier can legally kill one another, showing this is simply, which is likewise upheld by Vittola, who states: ‘it is legitimate to draw the blade and use it against criminals (Begby et al (2006b), Page 309).’ furthermore, Vittola communicates the degree of military strategies utilized, yet never arrives at a resolution regardless of whether it’s legitimate to continue these activities, as he continually tracked down a center ground, where it tends to be legitimate to do things like this yet never consistently (Begby et al (2006b), Page 326-31). This is upheld by Frowe, who estimates the authentic strategies as per proportionality and military need. It relies upon the size of how much harm done to each other, to pass judgment on the activities after a conflict. For instance, one can’t just nuke the fear monger bunches all through the center east, since it isn’t just corresponding, it will harm the entire populace, an unseen side-effect. All the more critically, the troopers should have the right aim in the thing they will accomplish, forfeiting the expenses for their activities. For instance: if troopers have any desire to execute all detainees of war, they should do it for the right goal and for a worthwhile motivation, relative to the mischief done to them. This is upheld by Vittola: ‘not generally legitimate to execute all warriors… we should consider… size of the injury caused by the foe.’ This is additionally upheld by Frowe approach, which is much more upright than Vittola’s view however infers similar plans: ‘can’t be rebuffed basically for battling.’ This implies one can’t just rebuff another on the grounds that they have been a soldier. They should be treated as sympathetically as could really be expected. In any case, the circumstance is raised in the event that killing them can prompt harmony and security, inside the interests, everything being equal. In general, jus in bello proposes in wars, mischief must be utilized against soldiers, never against the blameless. Yet, eventually, the point is to lay out harmony and security inside the province. As Vittola’s decision: ‘the quest for equity for which he battles and the safeguard of his country’ is the thing countries ought to be battling for in wars (Begby et al (2006b), Page 332). Hence, albeit the present world has created, we can see not vastly different from the innovator accounts on fighting and the traditionists, giving one more part of the hypothesis of the simply war. By the by, we can in any case reason that there can’t be one conclusive hypothesis of the simply war hypothesis as a result of its normativity.

Jus post bellum

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