Counterintelligence Detection

According to Prunckun (2019), if espionage were a game, the practitioners of counterintelligence “would be considered the game’s “goal keepers.” and without counterintelligence, the intelligence goal would be wide-open to such raiders” (p. 31). Therefore, counterintelligence detection is a necessary skill for each intel organization or agent. Pruncken (2019) lists the five criteria for detection:

Identifying an event of concern.
Identifying the person(s) who were involved in the event.
Identifying the organizational association of the person(s) of interest.
Identifying the current location of the person(s) of interest.
Gathering the facts that indicate that the person(s) committed the event.
Counterintelligence Deception

Deception is a common theme within any intel organization. This practice must be successfully implemented to gain advantages over an adversary. During the past several decades, here have been many lessons learned on counterintelligence deception techniques and practices due to rapidly advancing computer systems and the ability of hackers to infiltrate IT networks. Deception technology involves implementing “decoy systems and credentials scattered throughout the network that alert when attackers engage them” (Salazar, 2018, para 4), then they must breach another layer of security, traps and sensors that aid security personnel in halting and identifying the threats. The cyber attackers then modify their tactics, techniques and procedures (TTP) to bypass the added layers of security. Salazar (2018) notes that the decoys can remain operational following a security breach if the entity that deployed the decoy wishes to gain additional intel collection on the adversary. This is a constant cycle of ‘spy vs. spy’ that will undoubtedly continue as technological advances rapidly develop.

Counterintelligence Neutralization

Counterintelligence neutralization, or counter espionage, is a specific function within the counterintelligence field that is described as the “most subtle and sophisticated of all the counterintelligence functions” (Prunckun, 2019, p. 216), and involves implementing strategies that intentionally places agents/operatives in direct contact with their adversary’s intel personnel (Prunckun, 2014). Further, these operations are conducted to misinform the enemy, with the objective of disrupting the adversary’s operational plans.

Preferred Method

I believe that traps are a very effective tool within the counterintelligence field. There are countless methods of employing traps, including:

Setting up a false checkpoint to apprehend an adversary.
Leaving a vehicle unlocked to entice thieves.
Various undercover ‘sting’ operations.
Prunckun (2019) notes that assumed vulnerability is the foundation for a counterespionage trap, which implies that everyone has at least one vulnerability. When this vulnerability is uncovered, then it can be exploited.

 

Sample Solution

Towards resolving the 30-year terrorism definition conflict, Weinberg, Pedahzur and Hirsch-Hoefler (2004) compared Schmid’s definition, (see excerpt below), a product of a survey in which 22 definitional elements were identified in the 109 definitions of terrorism retrieved from 200 participants; to the application of the concept in three terrorism-based academic journals: Terrorism, Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, and Terrorism and Political Violence. Of the 22, Weinberg, Pedahzur and Hirsch-Hoefler (2004) observed that only 16 elements appeared in Schmid’s definition (p. 780).

Terrorism is an anxiety-inspiring method of repeated violent action, employed by (semi-) clandestine individual group, or state actors, for idiosyncratic, criminal, or political reasons, whereby – in contrast to assassination – the direct targets of violence are not the main targets. The immediate human victims of violence are generally chosen randomly (targets of opportunity) or selectively (representative or symbolic targets) from a target population, and serve as message generators. Threat – and violence-based communication processes between terrorist (organisation), (imperilled) victims, and main target (audiences (s)), turning it into a target of terror, a target of demands, or a target of attention, depending on whether intimidation, coercion, or propaganda is primarily sought (Schmid & Jongman, 1988, p. 28)

For their study, Weinberg, Pedahzur and Hirsch-Hoefler selected 73 definitions from the 55 articles and compared these to Schmid’s (1988) 22 elements. The exercise yielded mixed results. For example, while some components such as the psychological elements of terrorism were in decline (41.5% to 5.5%), probably due to the absence of contributors from the field of psychology; the authors of the articles in the three journals made no variations between terrorist targets, that is – “combatants and non-combatants” or the “immediate target and wider audience” (p. 782). However, certain traits remained prevalent across both studies, and were used by the authors to generate another definition: “terrorism is a politically motivated tactic involving the threat or use of force or violence in which the pursuit of publicity plays a significant role” (p. 782).

The significant achievement of the trio lay in the ability to adopt observable and measurable terrorism components in designing their definition of terrorism. Thus, a remarkable achievement for research in the field of terrorism, especially media-related terrorism research as a result of the renewed fo

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