Drones and Mobile Computers

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Drones and Computers that are Mobile

Describe possible legal legal and liability challenges related to Civilian Drones, Driverless Cars, and Autonomous Robots. Is it right to hold software designers liable if software vulnerabilities cause autonomous drones or cars to veer out of control?
Describe how Bio-Metric devices, such as Google Glass, might affect the cyber-threat landscape.

Sample Solution

The economic analysis of tort law assumes the existence of at least two human actors: an injurer and a victim (e.g. Miceli, 2017; Shavell, 1980, 1987). Nonetheless, this assumption becomes increasingly tenuous with the advancement of automated technologies (e.g. De Chiara et al., 2021; Shavell,
2020). Rather than still being the mere instruments of human decision-makers, machines are the decision-makers. Since robots are insensitive to threats of legal liability, the question arises: how are we to regulate this new class of potential tortfeasors? The need for a theory to better understand robot torts is urgent, given that robots are already capable of driving automobiles and trains, delivering packages, piloting aircraft, trading stocks, and performing surgery with minimal human input or supervision. Engineers and futurists predict more revolutionary changes are still to come. How the law grapples with these emerging technologies will affect their rates of adoption and future investments in research and development. In the extremum case, the choice of liability regime could even extinguish technological advancement altogether. As driverless cars—or more formally, autonomous vehicles—continue to attract growing interest and investment, the associated liability issues are also getting increased attention. Often, this attention comes in the form of suggestions that liability concerns will slow or even completely prevent consumer access to advanced autonomous vehicle technology.

blocs of superpowers. Nehru’s account of the world order was different from a typical structural realist accord- the issue of military pacts represents a cleavage between the ‘big and powerful countries’ on the one hand and the ‘weak and small Asian countries’ on the other, where the former operated a ‘sphere of influence’ (Kristinsson 2012, p.43).

The kind of impact the countries of the South had on the Cold War is evident with the reaction of the US regarding the Bandung conference. Prior to the conference, the US had made efforts to counter the influence of neutral countries such as that of India and also offered guidance to their allies like Pakistan, Turkey and Philippines. Their main worry with regard to the conference was that they feared being excluded from what they thought would develop into an effective forum, might emerge as a solid bloc at the United Nations( UN) led by China and India but most of all this development threatened to restructure the international society.

At Belgrade in 1961, the first conference for the Non-Aligned movement(NAM),it was established that the countries that were a part of it will stay independent from both the Eastern and the Western bloc. The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) was founded in 1964, following the demands of the South for establishment of a new institution concerned with the regulation for the North-South exchange. With the formation of the Group of 77(G-77), UNCTAD marked the beginning of a steady cooperation of the developing countries whose membership rose to 131 countries in 1995. NAM played a crucial role in establishing the position of the South in the world through various ways. First, it called for the United nations to be more democratised. It also showed support to the anti-colonial struggles that were still going on in the world, especially against the Portuguese in Africa. The most important contribution of NAM however was it’s call for the ‘New International Economic Order’ (NIEO).The NIEO included demands for the democratisation of global economic institutions, the regulation of foreign investment, better access for developing countries to the markets of the industrialised countries and the protection of ‘economic sovereignty’ (Kristinsson 2012, p.45). The G-77 pursued these objectives at the UN through the UNCTAD. Th

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