Education plays a critical role in national security, as it provides citizens with the knowledge and skills they need to contribute effectively to society. A lack of education can lead to an increased risk of instability and insecurity due to a range of factors such as poverty, social unrest, political violence and terrorism (Yousef et al., 2017). For example, in poorer countries where there is inadequate access to educational opportunities it can be difficult for people to gain employment or advance their careers thus increasing the likelihood that they will become involved in illegal activities or extremist ideologies (ibid.).
Studies have also shown that low levels of education are linked with higher levels of violent conflict . This is because when individuals do not possess the necessary skills and knowledge required for constructive dialogue , it becomes more difficult for them to resolve disputes peacefully.(Kolb & Sridhar 2018 ). The same principle applies at an international level too: if governments lack educated diplomats who are familiar with global issues then tensions between nations are likely to escalate quickly leading heightened chance military confrontation (ibid.).
Finally, a lack of education can also limit economic stability which may ultimately impact upon national security. Low literacy rates combined with limited job prospects mean that many countries struggle with high levels of poverty which has been linked with civil unrest or even revolution (Piketty2014), Thus by providing citizens with greater educational opportunities we can help reduce risks associated with weak states where such problems may arise.
First, it is never just to intentionally kill innocent people in wars, supported by Vittola’s first proposition. This is widely accepted as ‘all people have a right not to be killed’ and if a soldier does, they have violated that right and lost their right. This is further supported by “non-combatant immunity” (Frowe (2011), Page 151), which leads to the question of combatant qualification mentioned later in the essay. This is corroborated by the bombing of Nagasaki and Hiroshima, ending the Second World War, where millions were intently killed, just to secure the aim of war. However, sometimes civilians are accidentally killed through wars to achieve their goal of peace and security. This is supported by Vittola, who implies proportionality again to justify action: ‘care must be taken where evil doesn’t outweigh the possible benefits (Begby et al (2006b), Page 325).’ This is further supported by Frowe who explains it is lawful to unintentionally kill, whenever the combatant has full knowledge of his actions and seeks to complete his aim, but it would come at a cost. However, this does not hide the fact the unintended still killed innocent people, showing immorality in their actions. Thus, it depends again on proportionality as Thomson argues (Frowe (2011), Page 141).
This leads to question of what qualifies to be a combatant, and whether it is lawful to kill each other as combatants. Combatants are people who are involved directly or indirectly with the war and it is lawful to kill ‘to shelter the innocent from harm…punish evildoers (Begby et al (2006b), Page 290).However, as mentioned above civilian cannot be harmed, showing combatants as the only legitimate targets, another condition of jus in bello, as ‘we may not use the sword against those who have not harmed us (Begby et al (2006b), Page 314).’ In addition, Frowe suggested combatants must be identified as combatants, to avoid the presence of guerrilla warfare which can end up in a higher death count, for example, the Vietnam War. Moreover, he argued they must be part of the army, bear arms and apply to the rules of jus in bello. (Frowe (2011), Page 101-3). This suggests Frowe seeks a fair, just war between two participants avoiding non-combatant deaths, but wouldn’t this lead to higher death rate for combatants, as both sides have relatively equal chance to win since both use similar tactics? Nevertheless, arguably Frowe will argue that combatant can lawfully kill each other, showing this is just, which is also supported by Vittola, who states: ‘it is lawful to draw the sword and use it against malefactors (Begby et al (2006b), Page 309).’
In addition, Vittola expresses the extent of military tactics used, but never reaches a conclusion whether it’s lawful or not to proceed these actions, as he constantly found a middle ground, where it can be lawful to do such things but never always (Begby et al (2006b), Page 326-31). This is supported by Frowe, who measures the legitimate tactics according to proportionality and military necessity. It depends on the magnitude of how much damage done to one another, in order to judge the actions after a war. For example, one cannot simply nuke the terrorist groups throughout the middle-east, because it is not only proportional, it will damage the whole population, an unintended consequence. More importantly, the soldiers must
