Implementation, management, and governance of health IT systems

Question(s):
Why do you think translational research is sometimes referred to as “the valley of death?” How has this assignment impacted your thoughts on this subject?

• Another field trip. If you have a local Dollar General, Dollar store or anything similar, go there and take a picture of the food sections. Drive around the area for a few miles to see other stores in which to purchase food. In two paragraphs discuss the pros and cons of each store in the community and what it has to offer.
• Upload a picture with your discussion.
Question:
• Consider the ways in which clinical data could be useful in your practice.
• Create a spreadsheet, using whatever software you feel most appropriate, that could be implemented in your organization. In your post, in addition to including your sample spreadsheet, discuss your reasons for selecting the software and what needs to be tracked. *Be sure to not use any real clinical data!* (PLEASE ATTACH THE SPREADSHEET).

• What strategies should be used for the implementation, management, and governance of health IT systems? What resources should be considered (e.g., risks, assumptions, limitations, costs, etc.)? Explain each answer.

 

Sample Solution

Implementation, management, and governance of health IT systems

Translational research is research aimed at translating results in basic research into results that directly benefit humans. Translational research, is sometimes referred to as the “Valley of Death.” Translational research got this reputation because the process of translating early discoveries into effective treatments for patients is time-consuming, costly, and often unsuccessful. A discovery in basic science, for instance, a new way of monitoring how a certain tumor spreads through the body, must be followed by years of additional work before it becomes a treatment. The rate success in translational science is less than 1%. This means that if 5,000-10,000 compounds are tested, only about 5 will end up in Phase 1 studies, and only a single drug is likely to survive to become approved by the FDA.

-84 years were seen as the fastest growing age group in the world, growing at a rate 3.8% per year with one fifth of the older population envisaged to be eighty years and older by 2050 (United Nations, 2002). Adult social care, including care of an ageing population, is one of the big issues England face at present. The provision of adequate adult social care poses a significant public service challenge. Demand for care due to ageing population is rising while public spending is falling. On average, older people using social care services today have greater needs than their counterparts 10 or more years ago. The health status of older people has slightly deteriorated over the past decade, probably because of longer life expectancy. A report by (CHPI, 2016) highlights that around £24 billion is spent on adult social care in England every year, most of which is spent on older people receiving care either in their own homes or in a residential. In social care, the 1989 White Paper, Caring for People, emphasised the need to improve choice and deliver services that respond flexibly to individual needs (Means et al. 2003). Prior to the White Paper, social care services were predominantly funded, organised and directly delivered by local state-funded (‘in-house’) providers. 2.1.2 History of social care Government provision for social care for older people in difficulty has a long history in England and across the United Kingdom. From the 1601 Elizabethan Poor Law with services funded through parish rates, and the reformed 1834 Poor Law Amendment Act, with its emphasis on social control as much care and compassion (Harris, 2005) to the 1948 National Assistance Act, which ended the Poor Law, and brought about the ‘Welfare State’. Since 1979 there has been a remarkable shift in social care provision. In 1979, 64% of care home beds were provided by local authorities and National Health Service (NHS). In 1993, 95% of domiciliary care was directly provided by local authorities. Laing and Buisson (2007) have found that in England, 78% of places in residential and nursing homes which have older people as their main clients were in the private sector. By 2012, only 11% of domiciliary care was provided by local authorities. This growing role for private sector involvement in social care provision, dictated by neoliberal ideology, has accompanied this shift. In trying to shape the relationships between public, private and voluntary sector bodies in the delivery of social care services, successive governments constructed the social care markets, starting with the rapid increase in the use of the residential care allowance for private care homes in the 1980s, the growth in outsourcing home care in the 1990s, and the closure and or sale of local authority care homes. In the last 30 years or so the elderly social care system in the UK has undergone significant metamorphosis. The Community Care report by Griffith (1988), and the articulation of this into a solid policy base in the NHS and Community Care Act (1990), set the scene for the ensuing transformations in the delivery of social care services and remains the defining point in the development of today’s system. Griffith (1988) proposed a split between health and social care. Health boards remained responsible for acute and primary health care, but local authorities took responsibility for long term care. Local authorities were to be responsible for assessing and responding to the needs of individuals in their regional areas but their role as direct providers of care services was diminished. This was the beginning of what is now called the ‘mixed economy’ of social care services (Wistow et al 1994). The inde

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