Intergovernmental relationships

 

In the article “19th Century Division of Powers, 21st Century Problems: Understanding Canadian Intergovernmental Relations” from the module resources, the author explores three questions from a Canadian perspective.

Read the article and then respond to these questions from a U.S. perspective:

Why should U.S. citizens care about intergovernmental relations?
Why are intergovernmental relations often fraught with conflict?
What can be done to make intergovernmental relations run more smoothly in the future?

In the article “19th Century Division of Powers, 21st Century Problems: Understanding Canadian Intergovernmental Relations” Wallner shares that Canadian citizens are desirous of some uniformity and standards across the country, and have an interest in ensuring that their tax dollars are being spent on programs that deliver desired services. The same could be said about citizens of the United States.

Intergovernmental relationships are complex, with powers and budgets that can be overlapping or conflicting. The services that governments are attempting to provide today require specialized skills and often require cooperation across several agencies. When these agencies have competing priorities and varying levels of funding, relationships can become tense. To make governmental relationships run more smoothly, it is important to have clearly defined boundaries of responsibility. Additionally, it is helpful if the governmental agencies can maintain levels of communication that allow for a functional working relationship. When each party is able to understand their responsibilities, there is a greater ability to cooperate on large scale issues.

Sample Solution

U.S. citizens should care about intergovernmental relations. Intergovernmental relations in the U.S. describes the interaction between national, state and local governments in the American political system. The goals of intergovernmental relations are said to promote peace and harmony among the three tiers of government, which are the Federal, State and Local government. It is a system of governance in which a national overarching government shares powers with subnational or state governments. Understanding these relationships is vital for someone working in domestic public affairs, especially at the local level. Intergovernmental relationships are complex, with powers and budgets that can be overlapping or conflicting. Too much conflict among government levels would lead to lack of trust, rejection, provocation, threat, etc.

n of what qualifies to be a combatant, and whether it is lawful to kill each other as combatants. Combatants are people who are involved directly or indirectly with the war and it is lawful to kill ‘to shelter the innocent from harm…punish evildoers (Begby et al (2006b), Page 290).However, as mentioned above civilian cannot be harmed, showing combatants as the only legitimate targets, another condition of jus in bello, as ‘we may not use the sword against those who have not harmed us (Begby et al (2006b), Page 314).’ In addition, Frowe suggested combatants must be identified as combatants, to avoid the presence of guerrilla warfare which can end up in a higher death count, for example, the Vietnam War. Moreover, he argued they must be part of the army, bear arms and apply to the rules of jus in bello. (Frowe (2011), Page 101-3). This suggests Frowe seeks a fair, just war between two participants avoiding non-combatant deaths, but wouldn’t this lead to higher death rate for combatants, as both sides have relatively equal chance to win since both use similar tactics? Nevertheless, arguably Frowe will argue that combatant can lawfully kill each other, showing this is just, which is also supported by Vittola, who states: ‘it is lawful to draw the sword and use it against malefactors (Begby et al (2006b), Page 309).’
In addition, Vittola expresses the extent of military tactics used, but never reaches a conclusion whether it’s lawful or not to proceed these actions, as he constantly found a middle ground, where it can be lawful to do such things but never always (Begby et al (2006b), Page 326-31). This is supported by Frowe, who measures the legitimate tactics according to proportionality and military necessity. It depends on the magnitude of how much damage done to one another, in order to judge the actions after a war. For example, one cannot simply nuke the terrorist groups throughout the middle-east, because it is not only proportional, it will damage the whole population, an unintended consequence. More importantly, the soldiers must have the right intention in what they are going to achieve, sacrificing the costs to their actions. For example: if soldiers want to execute all prisoners of war, they must do it for the right intention and for a just cause, proportional to the harm done to them. This is supported by Vittola: ‘not always lawful to execute all combatants…we must take account… scale of the injury inflicted by the enemy.’ This is further supported by Frowe approach, which is a lot more moral than Vittola’s view but implies the same agendas: ‘can’t be punished simply for fighting.’ This means one cannot simply punish another because they have been a combatant. They must be treated as humanely as possible. However, the situation is escalated if killing them can lead to peace and security, within the interests of all parties.
Overall, jus in bello suggests in wars, harm can only be used against combatants, never against the innocent. But in the end, the aim is to establish peace and security within the commonwealth. As Vittola’s conclusion: ‘the pursuit of justice for which he fights and the defence of his homeland’ is what nations should be fighting for in wars (Begby et al (2006b), Page 332). Thus, although today’s world has developed, we can see not much different from the modernist accounts on warfare and the traditionists,

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