Milton Friedman, a Nobel Prize winner economist and an advocate of free trade

 

PART A:

Milton Friedman, a Nobel Prize winner economist and an advocate of free trade answers questions about the effect of free trade on employment in the following 6-minute video. Please watch the following and reflect on the employment argument for protectionism. Should we protect certain industries against foreign competition through tariffs and quotas to protect employment in these areas?
This video is from the 1970’s but we have the exact same argument in our current political and economic environment. We see the steel example in the video. Can you name one or two examples of protectionist policies in the US? Who will win, who will lose as a result of these new tariffs?

 

PART B:

Traditional trade theories assume that factors of production are freely mobile between industries and geographic regions within the same country. Therefore, workers who are displaced due to foreign competition can switch to other sectors in a different part of the country after a brief transition without any cost. In reality, labor markets tend to be sticky. Workers do not move even when labor market conditions would suggest they should and they are worse off as others who benefit from international trade are better off.
International trade increases total surplus and therefore increases efficiency, but it will be at the cost of equality. What is the role of government in helping people who lose as a result of foreign trade?

https://www.brookings.edu/blog/the-avenue/2019/11/12/displaced-workers-need-more-than-what-economists-are-suggesting/

 

 

Sample Solution

The subsequent segment starts translating jus in bello or what activities might we at any point characterize as passable in wars (Begby et al (2006b), Page 323). To start with, it is never to kill blameless individuals in wars, upheld by Vittola’s most memorable recommendation purposefully. This is broadly acknowledged as ‘all individuals have a right not to be killed’ and on the off chance that a fighter does, they have disregarded that right and lost their right. This is additionally upheld by “non-soldier resistance” (Frowe (2011), Page 151), which prompts the subject of warrior capability referenced later in the paper. This is verified by the bombarding of Nagasaki and Hiroshima, finishing WWII, where millions were eagerly killed, just to get the point of war. Nonetheless, some of the time regular folks are unintentionally killed through battles to accomplish their objective of harmony and security. This is upheld by Vittola, who infers proportionality again to legitimize activity: ‘care should be taken where evil doesn’t offset the potential advantages (Begby et al (2006b), Page 325).’ This is additionally upheld by Frowe who makes sense of it is legitimate to unexpectedly kill, at whatever point the soldier has full information on his activities and looks to finish his point, yet it would include some significant downfalls. Nonetheless, this doesn’t conceal the reality the accidental actually killed honest individuals, showing corruption in their activities. Accordingly, it relies again upon proportionality as Thomson contends (Frowe (2011), Page 141). This prompts question of what meets all requirements to be a soldier, and whether it is legal to kill each other as warriors. Soldiers are individuals who are involved straightforwardly or by implication with the conflict and it is legitimate to kill ‘to shield the guiltless from hurt… rebuff wrongdoers (Begby et al (2006b), Page 290).However, as referenced above non military personnel can’t be hurt, showing soldiers as the main genuine focuses on, one more state of jus in bello, as ‘we may not utilize the blade against the people who have not hurt us (Begby et al (2006b), Page 314).’ furthermore, Frowe recommended warriors should be distinguished as warriors, to keep away from the presence of close quarters combat which can wind up in a higher passing count, for instance, the Vietnam War. Also, he contended they should be essential for the military, carry weapons and apply to the standards of jus in bello. (Frowe (2011), Page 101-3). This recommends Frowe looks for a fair, simply battle between two members staying away from non-soldier passings, yet couldn’t this prompt higher demise rate for warriors, as the two sides have generally equivalent opportunity to win since both utilize comparative strategies? By the by, ostensibly Frowe will contend that warrior can legitimately kill one another, showing this is simply, which is likewise upheld by Vittola, who states: ‘it is legal to draw the sword and use it against transgressors (Begby et al (2006b), Page 309).’ moreover, Vittola communicates the degree of military strategies utilized, yet never arrives at a resolution regardless of whether it’s legitimate to continue these activities, as he continually tracked down a center ground, where it very well may be legal to do things like this yet never consistently (Begby et al (2006b), Page 326-31). This is upheld by Frowe, who estimates the authentic strategies as per proportionality and military need. It relies upon the size of how much harm done to each other, to pass judgment on the activities after a conflict. For instance, one can’t just nuke the fear monger bunches all through the center east, since it isn’t just relative, it will harm the entire populace, a potentially negative side-effect. All the more critically, the officers should have the right aim in the thing they will accomplish, forfeiting the expenses for their activities. For instance: to execute all detainees of war, they should do it for the right goal and for a worthwhile motivation, relative to the damage done to them. This is upheld by Vittola: ‘not generally legitimate to execute all warriors… we should consider… size of the injury caused by the foe.’ This is additionally upheld by Frowe approach, which is much more upright than Vittola’s view yet suggests similar plans: ‘can’t be rebuffed just for battling

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