Procedural and substantive unconscionability

 

The courts usually do not concern themselves with the fairness of a bargain struck by contracting parties. But in some cases, if a contract is grossly unfair to an innocent party, the courts, in equity, will not enforce it. These are called unconscionable contracts and occur when one of the parties, being in a strong position, takes advantage of the other party. The stronger party convinces the other party to enter into a contract contrary to his or her well-being. Such agreements may violate public policy and may not be enforceable.

In the past, if you wanted a prescription for a certain medication you had to see a physician first. Today, it is possible to enter into a contract to obtain a prescription for, and order, many medications via the Internet without ever setting foot in a physician’s office. Contracting with a physician online to receive prescription drugs may be ill advised, but are such contracts unconscionable? Only a few court cases have addressed this issue and so far, no court has held that prescribing drugs online is unconscionable.

Compare and contrast procedural and substantive unconscionability. If the physicians are not deceptive, should the courts allow all types of medications to be prescribed over the Internet? Why or why not? Might the practice of prescribing medications via the Internet reach the point at which it “shocks the conscience” of the court? Do you think the courts, in the few cases that have been heard, should have held that the physician’s conduct and the resulting contracts were unconscionable?

Sample Solution

Hospitals must be ready to take advantage of possibilities quickly if they want to stay competitive. The flexibility required for prompt response might be provided through corporate reorganization, which involves the creation of new corporate organizations that carry out a variety of medical and nonmedical duties. Corporate reorganization will result in expenses for legal and accounting services. It is important to take into account the impact on hospital administrators and board members, staff morale, and community support. By vertically integrating their current services, hospitals can reduce expenses while expanding their patient base and adding new services. For system construction, corporate reorganization is less crucial than for diversification, which is the expansion of a hospital’s medical and healthcare enterprises. Diversification guidelines are provided. The planning procedure for an institution should take corporate reorganization into account.

onduct impacts the administrative conduct of Nigerian government. The nation is described by extraordinary ethnic polarization and strife. It has been contended that bury ethnic contention for mastery is a lethal torment’ of the Nigerian political process (Afigbo, 1989, 4). In any case, how has ethnic assembly and showdown showed itself in the multi ethnic setting in Nigeria? The evaluated populace of Nigeria in 2001 is 11.6.6 billion (FRN, 2001, 123), making the nation the most crowded in Africa. The humanist, Onigu Otite, has given a rundown of 374 ethnic gatherings (Otitle, 1990).
There is a basic understanding, however that these ethnic gatherings are comprehensively isolated into ethnic ‘minorities’. The numerically and politically-significant ethnic gatherings are the composite Hausa-Fulani of the North, the Yoruba of the Southeast, and the Igbo of the Southeast. These three ‘hegemonic’ ethnic gatherings are appropriately alluded to by the non-specific term ‘Wazobia’. Focuses of huge populace fixation coincide with the homeland of these three dominant part ethnic gatherings who constituted 57.8% of the national populace in the 1963 evaluation (Afolayan, 19778; 147&155). That enumeration has the Hausa at 11,653,000 (20.9%), the Yoruba at 11,321,00 (20.3%) , and the Igbo at 9,246,00 (16.6%) (Jibril, 1991, 111). The various ethnicities like the Ijaw, Kanuri, Edo, Ibibio, Nupe, and the Tiv. Eleven of such substantial minorities constituted 27.9% of the populace. (Afolayan, 1978;155).

The level of every ethnic gathering in the national populace is that of exceptional political contestation, especially among the dominant part gatherings and a portion of the huge minorities. The figures propose that the three greater part bunches constituted around 51.61 percent of the national populace in 1952/3. This predominance is complemented by the tripodal territorial regulatory set-up of that period. In the Northern Locale, the Hausa constituted 32.6 percent of the populace. At the point when the united Fulani is incorporated, the figure ascends to 50.6 percent. In the Western District, the Yoruba constituted 70.8 percent of the populace, while in the Eastern Area, the Igbo constituted 61 percent of the populace. Buttressing this statistic conveyance were pioneer discernments that ‘Nigeria falls normally into three areas, the North, the West and the East’ (Governor Arthur Richards, referred to in Oyovbaire, 1983, 8). There is in this way the numerical and political dominance of the three larger part ethnic gatherings, in their particular district

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