Relationship between Erikson’s psychosocial theory

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Take some time to think about and explore the relationship between Erikson’s psychosocial theory and parenting skills. Erikson thought a child’s sense of trust was the cornerstone of all future personality development. Thus, the interactions between caregivers and the infant are extremely important.

Which aspects of parenting lead to this sense of trust? Parental consistency and responsiveness

What roles do physical comfort, consistency, lack of fearful situations, and feeding play?

What is the role of parental attentiveness?

Should the caregiver respond immediately to the infant’s cries?

Do you think that trust is developed more easily by later-born children, because their parents are more confident?

What aspects of being the firstborn counterbalance the advantages of having experienced parents?

Sample Solution

Psychosocial development theory is an expansion of Sigmund Freud’s original five stages of development. Erikson, a 20th-century psychologist and psychoanalyst, formulated the eight-stage life cycle theory in 1959 on the supposition that the environment plays a critical role in self-awareness, adjustment, human development and identity. Erikson asserts in his psychosocial theory that ego identity is reached by facing goals and challenges throughout eight stages of development over the entire life cycle. Each of the psychosocial stages is distinguished by two opposing emotional forces, known as contrary dispositions, that result in a crisis that needs to be resolved. Each crisis must be mastered as swiftly as possible, otherwise, a person’s psychology is in jeopardy. However, a successful resolution of the conflict results in a healthy personality and the attainment of a basic virtue. The ego uses these character strengths to resolve subsequent crises. Erikson’s psychosocial theory provide the basis for the general hypothesis that the adolescent mother’s global self-esteem will correlate with her parenting skills knowledge. This leads to the conclusion that self-esteem is a good indicator of the adolescent mother’s parenting.

Altogether, the interesting question arises of how an open-list PR system would affect a less fragmented, strong party alliance system in a democracy such as the United States. The transition from a strict first-past-the-post system, which has been the building blocks for American society for 250 years, would certainly cause an uproar from conservatives and libertarians alike. While it would have little to no effect on the Senate retaining two seats per state, the institution of voting proportionment would likely result in smaller parties becoming more prevalent in the House of Representatives. Potential effects of such an institutional realignment pose short, medium, and long-term socio-political consequences.

Before we discuss the potential consequences, an even more interesting series of events needs to be considered. After witnessing the recent election of Donald J. Trump as president-elect, it closely parallels the social uprisings leading to Dilma’s impeachment. According to Fabrício H. Chagas Bastos, “the outcome of the last [Brazilian] presidential election revealed a polarized country, divided between regions (North-Northeast versus Center-South) and income groups (rich versus poor). Protests from every side were organized by and spread through social networks, spilling into the streets during the campaign and immediately after the election. This led some eager observers to argue that Dilma would rule a country split in two,” (Bastos, 148). Since the 2008 housing market crash, income inequality, the 99% versus 1% argument such as the Occupy Wall Street movement, have caused rifts in the United States trust in governmental regulations. Moreover, congressional gridlock between Democrats and Republicans has only increased the social tension void. Now, the country has been faced with countless protests denouncing Donald J. Trump’s presidential legitimacy, especially through the Twitter #NotMyPresident movement. As reported by Christopher Mele and Annie Correal of The New York Times on November 9, 2016, “thousands of people across the country marched, shut down highways, burned effigies and shouted angry slogans…to protest the election of Donald J. Trump as president,” while more demonstrations resonated in town squares and college campuses around the nation. Even more strikingly, Fabrício Bastos proclaims that in Brazil the “urban middle-class youth (most of them around 25 to 34 years old),” (Bastos, 153) is disenchanted with the current government and will continue to be the source of political protest in the coming years, similar to what is being demonstrated by U.S. middle-class youth. As the United Sta

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