Social disorganization and social control theories

 

Which of the two theories, social disorganization and social control, do you think better explains Detroit’s increases in poverty and crime? Why?
Considering the fact that the majority of people from the highest crime areas do not commit crimes, discuss the impact of a person’s environment on criminality. Be sure to use the terminology from the theories presented in class.
Are arrests a valid indicator of actual crime rates? If an area has more arrests, does that mean that it has more crime?

 

Sample Solution

Social disorganization and social control theories

Social control theory proposes that people`s relationships, commitments, values, norms, and beliefs encourage them not to break the law. Social disorganization is defined as an inability of community members to achieve shared values or to solve jointly experienced problems (Bursik, 1988). Current versions of social disorganization theory assume that strong networks of social relationships prevent crime and delinquency (Kornhauser, 1978; Bursik and Grasmick, 1993; Sampson and Groves, 1989). Social disorganization theory better explains Detroit`s increase in poverty and crime as it specifies that several variables – residential instability, ethnic diversity, family disruption, economic status, population size or density, and proximity to urban areas – influence a community`s capacity to develop and maintain strong systems of social relationships.

The main policies and approaches that are seen to apply within youth justice are GIRFEC, Whole Systems Approach, Preventing Offending by Young People: A framework for action and the renewed strategy Preventing Offending: Getting it Right for Every Child.
The welfare principle which stemmed from the Kilbrandon Report (HMSO 1995) expressed the view that problems of children or young people involved in offending or in need of care and protection derived from the same source (McAra 2009). From the early 1970’s to mid-1990’s policies actively rejected punitive solutions for crime and fully embraced welfare values.
It was then seen from the mid-1990’s to 2007 to retreat from the welfare principle, policy transformation in Scotland post devolution (from 1999) by Labour/Liberal Democrat coalition was seen to move towards the ‘New Labour’ crime agenda (McAra & McVie 2007). It was the first time in Scotland where a shift in the political debate away from the language of children and young people in need and from welfare-orientated strategies towards a language of correctionalism, personal responsibility and punishment (Whyte 2007 p.169). Increased levels of managerialism were introduced, for example, the National Standards for Scotland’s Youth Justice Services were published in 2002 which focused on performance targets, effectiveness and monitoring evaluation. A youth court model was piloted in Scotland for 16-17 year old offenders with punishment a key aim in youth justice (McAra & McVie 2014). Then a new policy focus on reducing persistent offending and anti-social behaviour was introduced by way of civil orders in the shape of electronic monitoring, parenting orders and anti-social behaviour orders by means of Antisocial Behaviour etc. (Scotland) Act 2004 to tackle low level crime and disorder. If breached these orders could result in a criminal court proceeding of a child or young person as young as 12 which was deemed in direct contrast to the Kilbrandon’s welfare principle (Lightowler, Orr & Vaswani 2014).
Moving away from this conflicted and punitive phase of youth justice a change was signalled by the publication of ‘Getting it Right for Every Child: Proposals for Action’ (GIRFEC) (Scottish Executive 2005a) which highlighted a concept of not only changing the way children and young people are viewed but focused on individual wellbeing to improve the outcomes for children, young people and their families. In the case of children and young people who offend or at risk of offending GIRFEC encouraged earlier intervention by practitioners to avoid crisis situations, en

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