Wars of humanitarian intervention are wars in defense of others.

Sometimes we consider going to war on humanitarian grounds. In other words, we are not going to war to protect ourselves, we are going to war to protect someone else. Here’s an argument that says this can be morally justified:

1. War in defense of others can be justified.

2. Wars of humanitarian intervention are wars in defense of others.

3. Therefore, wars of humanitarian intervention can be justified. (1, 2)

Evaluate this argument: Is it valid? Is it sound?

QUESTION 3

Some people think having nuclear weapons as a way of deterring other countries from attacking us is morally wrong. They argue that it’s wrong to use nuclear weapons, therefore it’s wrong to threaten to use them.

They seem to be making an argument like this:

1. Using nuclear weapons is morally wrong.

2. Therefore, threatening to use nuclear weapons (by actually preparing them for use) is morally wrong.

Evaluate this argument and look for objections…

QUESTION 4

Here’s another argument that wars of humanitarian intervention can be morally justified:

1. Sovereignty is important only because a state needs that in order to protect the rights of its citizens.

2. Therefore, if the state violates those rights, then we can ignore its sovereignty.

3. Therefore, wars of humanitarian intervention are not impermissible violations of sovereignty.

Evaluate this argument: Is it valid? Is it sound? Look for objections…

QUESTION 5

Most people who want nuclear disarmament want mutual disarmament. However, some say that we should go ahead and get rid of our nuclear weapons even if other countries do not. In other words, they advocate unilateral nuclear disarmament.

To most of us that sounds crazy–far too risky. However, let’s give the idea a chance. One could argue that if we unilaterally get rid of our nuclear weapons, the risk of attack is higher but the risk of nuclear war is lower, and that we are safer, on balance, that way.

What do you think?

Sample Solution

to theoretical contributions, labeling theory focuses on sociological aspects of delinquency, rather than the pathological and individual aspects that many other theories focus on. It attempts to explain the creation of delinquent careers and why some adolescents continue to lead deviant lives while others can turn their live around. It separates delinquent acts from delinquent careers, recognizing that just because an individual commits one delinquent act does not mean he will go on to become a career criminal. Taking this fact into account, this theory also recognizes that delinquent acts and delinquent careers should be treated differently, since they are in fact different entities.

One of the key contributions of labeling theory to criminology is its consideration of the causes of criminal behavior. With labeling theory, a person who commits a crime or delinquent offense is labeled by peers, communities, and by those in the criminal justice system. This label leads to stigmatization that can have a profound impact on future criminality (Braithwaite & Drahos, 2002; Restivo & Lanier, 2015). Labeling is a process that begins with “status degradation ceremonies,” which involve publicly lowering a person’s social status/identity within his/her own social group, thus labeling that person as an “outsider” (Garfinkel, 1956, p. 420).

In line with this is “moral indignation,” or people’s feelings regarding how they live publicly, including feelings of shame, guilt, or boredom (Garfinkel, 1956, p. 421). Garfinkel notes that these feelings may reinforce group solidarity, likely within delinquent peer groups, as the “outsider” begins to have his or her social identity replaced by a new, “true” interpretation (Garfinkel, 1956, p. 421). These processes lead to the solidification of the negative label, resulting in social exclusion in the form of lesser education, lesser paid jobs, and less social support (Denver et al., 201

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