Water shortages in Mexico.

 

 

link 1: https://gbdmagazine.com/examples-of-community-architecture/

link 2: https://www.al.com/living/2015/07/did_hope_vi_help_rebirth_of_do.html

Video 1: https://www.aljazeera.com/videos/2020/4/18/in-mexico-water-shortage-makes-hand-washing-difficult

Video 2: https://youtu.be/G2yqAl519H4

Watch the video about water shortages in Mexico. Consider the issue of resource dilemmas and Table 13.1. What is a resource dilemma in your area? What are the issues at stake?
Discuss the impact that the surrounding environment has on our behavior. Please be sure to cite from the text, outside readings, green design etc. in the module.
In what ways can the manipulation or design of a space better promote self-efficacy and well-being?
How can the defensible space theory limit crime in an area?
Discuss the role Defensible space theory played in the Yonkers Housing Crisis (optional- You would need to do a little outside research for this (United States vs. City of Yonkers)

 

Sample Solution

Self-efficacy is the belief we have in our abilities and competencies. Many years and several thousand studies’ worth of research have demonstrated how critical this belief is for helping us to achieve our goals. This remains true whether we are planning out an entirely new career trajectory or determining the odds of burning our dinner on the stove. So how do we develop this central belief in our capabilities? Self-efficacy is defined as “an individual’s belief in his or her capacity to execute behaviors necessary to produce specific performance attainments” [Carey & Forsyth (2009)]. Among the four sources of self-efficacy, Bandura identified mastery experiences as the most powerful driver of self-efficacy (1977). Mastery experiences are the experiences we gain when taking on new challenges and succeeding (Akhtar, 2008). For instance, a person who does not consider him or herself very skilled at cooking may increase their self-efficacy in this area by successfully cooking different dishes for several nights.

Altogether, the interesting question arises of how an open-list PR system would affect a less fragmented, strong party alliance system in a democracy such as the United States. The transition from a strict first-past-the-post system, which has been the building blocks for American society for 250 years, would certainly cause an uproar from conservatives and libertarians alike. While it would have little to no effect on the Senate retaining two seats per state, the institution of voting proportionment would likely result in smaller parties becoming more prevalent in the House of Representatives. Potential effects of such an institutional realignment pose short, medium, and long-term socio-political consequences.

Before we discuss the potential consequences, an even more interesting series of events needs to be considered. After witnessing the recent election of Donald J. Trump as president-elect, it closely parallels the social uprisings leading to Dilma’s impeachment. According to Fabrício H. Chagas Bastos, “the outcome of the last [Brazilian] presidential election revealed a polarized country, divided between regions (North-Northeast versus Center-South) and income groups (rich versus poor). Protests from every side were organized by and spread through social networks, spilling into the streets during the campaign and immediately after the election. This led some eager observers to argue that Dilma would rule a country split in two,” (Bastos, 148). Since the 2008 housing market crash, income inequality, the 99% versus 1% argument such as the Occupy Wall Street movement, have caused rifts in the United States trust in governmental regulations. Moreover, congressional gridlock between Democrats and Republicans has only increased the social tension void. Now, the country has been faced with countless protests denouncing Donald J. Trump’s presidential legitimacy, especially through the Twitter #NotMyPresident movement. As reported by Christopher Mele and Annie Correal of The New York Times on November 9, 2016, “thousands of people across the country marched, shut down highways, burned effigies and shouted angry slogans…to protest the election of Donald J. Trump as president,” while more demonstrations resonated in town squares and college campuses around the nation. Even more strikingly, Fabrício Bastos proclaims that in Brazil the “urban middle-class youth (most of them around 25 to 34 years old),” (Bastos, 153) is disenchanted with the current government and will continue to be the source of political protest in the coming years, similar to what is being demonstrated by U.S. middle-class youth. As the United Sta

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