Wilson criticizes both gun control advocates and the National Rifle Association

 

1, Wilson criticizes both gun control advocates and the National Rifle Association for their ill-advised views. State his criticisms of each side, and explain whether and to what extent you agree.

 

2.rom the 401 topics provided in Modules choose an issue that interests you (choose the topic after careful consideration since you will be working on multiple assignments based on the same topic).

Write a brief 150 – 200 words paragraph, using the questions below to guide your writing:

Why does it interest you?

What is your position (support it or oppose it)?

What is your opponent’s position?

Frame a question based on your topic. For example: Should school uniforms be mandatory in all public schools in Texas?

The response to this with a reason is your thesis. “School uniforms should be mandatory in all public schools in Texas because _________.

 

 

Sample Solution

A heated debate rages between those who believe in rigidly controlling guns and those who believe in no gun regulation. On one side, some gun‐control advocates would like to see the government clamp down on gun manufacturers, sellers, and owners to the point that no citizens can carry guns. On the other side, the National Rifle Association (NRA) claims that the Second Amendment guarantees each citizen an absolute right to “bear arms.” Consequently, the NRA fights all attempts to regulate the manufacture, distribution, and sale of guns. In general, the NRA and its allies favor tough sentences for criminals who use guns (which is a demand‐reduction strategy). Wilson criticizes both gun control advocates and the National Rifle Association (NRA) for their ill-advised views. He argues that gun control proponents are overly focused on passing legislation which ignores social context, such as the effects of poverty or racism, while failing to address underlying issues like a lack of mental health resources; meanwhile, he speaks out against NRA’s “militarized stance” toward any form of regulation as opposed to accepting reasonable compromises.

Altogether, the interesting question arises of how an open-list PR system would affect a less fragmented, strong party alliance system in a democracy such as the United States. The transition from a strict first-past-the-post system, which has been the building blocks for American society for 250 years, would certainly cause an uproar from conservatives and libertarians alike. While it would have little to no effect on the Senate retaining two seats per state, the institution of voting proportionment would likely result in smaller parties becoming more prevalent in the House of Representatives. Potential effects of such an institutional realignment pose short, medium, and long-term socio-political consequences.

Before we discuss the potential consequences, an even more interesting series of events needs to be considered. After witnessing the recent election of Donald J. Trump as president-elect, it closely parallels the social uprisings leading to Dilma’s impeachment. According to Fabrício H. Chagas Bastos, “the outcome of the last [Brazilian] presidential election revealed a polarized country, divided between regions (North-Northeast versus Center-South) and income groups (rich versus poor). Protests from every side were organized by and spread through social networks, spilling into the streets during the campaign and immediately after the election. This led some eager observers to argue that Dilma would rule a country split in two,” (Bastos, 148). Since the 2008 housing market crash, income inequality, the 99% versus 1% argument such as the Occupy Wall Street movement, have caused rifts in the United States trust in governmental regulations. Moreover, congressional gridlock between Democrats and Republicans has only increased the social tension void. Now, the country has been faced with countless protests denouncing Donald J. Trump’s presidential legitimacy, especially through the Twitter #NotMyPresident movement. As reported by Christopher Mele and Annie Correal of The New York Times on November 9, 2016, “thousands of people across the country marched, shut down highways, burned effigies and shouted angry slogans…to protest the election of Donald J. Trump as president,” while more demonstrations resonated in town squares and college campuses around the nation. Even more strikingly, Fabrício Bastos proclaims that in Brazil the “urban middle-class youth (most of them around 25 to 34 years old),” (Bastos, 153) is disenchanted with the current government and will continue to be the source of political protest in the coming years, similar to what is being demonstrated by U.S. middle-class youth. As the United Sta

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